ずくなしの冷や水

2022年07月17日

久しぶりの都心

福島原発事故以降、外食は控えていました。新コロナウィルス出現前にたまに安い外食店に入ることはありましたが、コロナ以降はそれも控えていました。

今回、外国にいる息子が結婚して来日。皆で食事をすることになり、私は都心に出かけることになりました。

さあ大変。身だしなみを整えなければなりません。いつも出掛ける時は半ズボンですが、今回は長ズボン。半袖の柄物のシャツに、麻の薄いジャケットを着ることにします。やはり、上着があるのとないのでは、たとえボロであっても気を使っているように見えます。

衣類は、しばらく前に着てみて入ることを確認。

次は、首から上の身だしなみ。1週間前に自分で整髪しました。1日前にもう一回整髪。そしてバリカンでひげを刈りました。マスクの隙間をなくすためにひげはないほうが良い。

当日朝、カミソリで髭を剃りました。頭髪は短く刈り上げていますが頭頂部の周りに少し長い髪が残してあります。

海外の個性的な人の画像を掲げていますが、よく見ると皆さんひげや髪の手入れが良いです。

頭髪に整髪料を使おうかと迷いましたが、べったりと頭皮に引っ付いてしまうので、洗い髪のまま。

鼻毛も切ります。眉毛も少し手入れ。

出掛けた時は、雨が当たりそうな気配でしたが、都心に着く頃には日が差してきました。

上着が暑い。レストランに入ったころには、汗をかいていて今度は上着が脱げません。脱ぐと寒くなります。

まあ、特に失礼にもならずに会食を終えられたと思います。

みんなの会話は英語でした。今日顔を出していない二人も英語を話します。私は耳が遠いし、そんなにすらすら英語が出てきませんから、子供の助けを借りながら会話をしていました。

でも、楽しかったです。孫は5歳ですが、女の子でもあり、いろいろと話をするようになっています。言っていることが理解できないことも多いですが、爺ちゃんは遊び相手だと思われています。

食事の際に撮ってもらった写真を見たら、頭髪が立っていて髪が結構あるように見えています。歳相応の外見になんとか整えることができました。私的には、ほぼ100点。


衣類の購入もなし。往復の電車賃とレストランの支払いだけで済みました。
posted by ZUKUNASHI at 23:41| Comment(2) | 日記

EUの失敗は政権のドミノ倒しへ



Italy may soon be unable to arm Ukraine – foreign minister
Luigi Di Maio has warned the crisis around PM Mario Draghi’s government could see an end to support
Political turmoil in Italy could soon see Rome unable to continue supporting Ukraine with weapons deliveries, the country’s foreign minister has warned. According to Luigi Di Maio, this would be the case should the incumbent government not survive a no-confidence vote next week.

In a phone interview with US media outlet Politico on Friday, Di Maio said that those in Italy who want the collapse of Prime Minister Mario Draghi’s government are playing into the hands of the Kremlin.

“The Russians are right now celebrating having made another Western government fall,” the minister argued.

Di Maio went on to express doubt as to whether Italy will be able to keep supplying arms to Ukraine under these circumstances, adding that “it is one of the many serious problems.”

The official explained that, should the government collapse, it would still remain in power for some time in a caretaker capacity. However, in this case, its powers would be reduced, meaning, among other things, that the government wouldn’t be able to continue weapons deliveries to Ukraine.

“If the government falls on Wednesday, we won’t have the power to sign any new energy contracts and this is serious because we are headed into winter,” the minister added.

According to Di Maio, Italy could also end up without a 2023 budget as the document is normally passed by parliament between July and December. Should there be elections in September or October, however, it could take months before a new coalition government is formed, meaning that the budget would be postponed, the minister explained. He added that it took 100 days to form a government the last time.

On Thursday, the Five Star Movement, which is part of Prime Minister Draghi’s coalition government, boycotted a no-confidence vote, with the premier offering to resign in response. However, Italy’s President Sergio Mattarella refused to accept his resignation, with Draghi’s government facing another no-confidence vote on Wednesday.

Di Maio, who had been one of the Five Star Movement’s leaders but left the party last month over a row concerning arms deliveries to Ukraine, laid into his former allies, accusing them of “helping Putin’s propaganda and autocracy over democracy.”

The foreign minister hailed Prime Minister Draghi as one of the staunchest opponents of the Kremlin in the West, who advocated strong sanctions and the freezing of Russia’s foreign reserves following the start of Russia’s offensive against Ukraine in late February.

The Five Star Movement has attempted to weaken the incumbent Italian government on several occasions over the past few months already, the official claimed. He specifically mentioned the party’s opposition to an increase in Italy’s defense spending to meet the NATO target, as well as a resolution in parliament against NATO and Italy’s support for Ukraine.

Di Maio, however, said at the same time that a lot of other political forces and labor unions in Italy understood the importance of having a fully functioning government, meaning that Draghi hopefully could stay in power after all.

Italy's FM points finger at Russia over government crisis
Opponents of embattled PM Mario Draghi are doing Vladimir Putin’s work, the Italian foreign minister says
The ongoing government crisis in Italy is playing into the Kremlin’s hands, Foreign Minister Luigi Di Maio has claimed. The turmoil is hampering Rome’s ability to provide military support to Ukraine, as well as to secure new energy contracts, the minister told POLITICO in an interview on Friday.

Critics of embattled Prime Minister Mario Draghi are effectively doing Russian President Vladimir Putin’s work, Di Maio suggested, urging Italian political parties not to bring down the government in an upcoming confidence vote next week. Draghi has been among the Western leaders to strongly oppose Russia over its military operation in Ukraine, the minister claimed.

“The Russians are right now celebrating having made another Western government fall,” Di Maio said. “Now I doubt we can send arms [to Ukraine]. It is one of the many serious problems.”

The Italian government fell into disarray earlier this week when Draghi faced a confidence vote in parliament. While he comfortably survived it by 172-39, the ballot was boycotted by the Five Star Movement, the largest party in Draghi’s broad coalition government.

The premier announced his resignation after the vote, citing the loss of support from the largest coalition partner and stating that the conditions to govern “no longer exist.” His resignation, however, was rejected by Italian President Sergio Mattarella. Draghi is set to go back to parliament on Wednesday, potentially holding a vote on his government or resigning again.

The prime minister, who previously led the European Central Bank, was appointed Italian PM in early 2021 in a bid to help the country deal with the economic fallout of the coronavirus pandemic. However, he has faced persistent criticism from the Five Star Movement’s leader and ex-PM Giuseppe Conte over a number of issues. Tensions grew worse over Italy’s support for anti-Russia sanctions and its support for Kiev, ultimately causing a split in the Five Star Movement.

Di Maio said Conte’s actions were what “hurts him the most.”

“The incredible thing is this is an ex-prime minister attacking Draghi, helping Putin’s propaganda and autocracy over democracy,” the minister said.

The political turmoil spells troubles for Italy itself as well, Di Maio continued, as the potential downfall of the government would jeopardize Rome’s ability to secure new energy contracts ahead of winter.

“If the government falls on Wednesday, we won’t have the power to sign any new energy contracts and this is serious because we are headed into winter,” the minister explained.

イタリアで進行中の政府危機は、クレムリンの思うつぼだとルイジ・ディ・マイオ外相が主張した。この混乱は、ローマがウクライナに軍事支援を提供したり、新しいエネルギー契約を確保したりするのを妨げていると、同外相は金曜日にPOLITICOのインタビューに答えて語った。

マリオ・ドラギ首相を批判する人々は、事実上ロシアのプーチン大統領の仕事をしている、とディ・マイオ氏は示唆し、来週行われる信任投票で政権を崩壊させないよう、イタリアの政党に呼び掛けた。ドラギは、ウクライナでの軍事行動に関してロシアに強く反対している西側指導者の一人であると、大臣は主張した。

「ロシアは今、西側諸国の政府をまた一つ倒したことを祝っている」とディ・マイオは言った。「今、我々が(ウクライナに)武器を送ることができるかどうかは疑問だ。これは多くの深刻な問題の一つである"。

今週初め、ドラギ首相が議会で信任投票に臨み、イタリア政府は混乱に陥った。ドラギ首相は172対39で難なく信任投票を乗り切ったが、この投票はドラギ首相の連立政権の最大政党である「五つ星運動」によってボイコットされた。

「ロシアは今、西側諸国の政府をまた一つ倒したことを祝っている」とディマイオは言った。「今、我々が(ウクライナに)武器を送ることができるかどうか疑問だ。これは多くの深刻な問題の一つである"。

今週初め、ドラギ首相が議会で信任投票に臨み、イタリア政府は混乱に陥った。ドラギ首相は172対39で難なく信任投票を乗り切ったが、この投票はドラギ首相の連立政権の最大政党である「五つ星運動」によってボイコットされた。

首相は投票後、最大の連立相手からの支持を失ったことを理由に、「もはや政権を担う条件は存在しない」と辞任を表明した。しかし、彼の辞任は、イタリアのセルジオ・マッタレッラ大統領によって拒否された。ドラギ首相は水曜日に議会に戻り、政権に対する投票や再辞任を行う可能性がある。

以前は欧州中央銀行を率いていた同首相は、コロナウイルスの大流行による経済的影響に対処するため、2021年初頭にイタリアの首相に就任した。しかし、五つ星運動の指導者で元首相のジュゼッペ・コンテから、多くの問題で執拗な批判を受けてきた。イタリアが反ロシア制裁を支持し、キエフを支持していることをめぐって緊張が高まり、最終的に五つ星運動の分裂を招いた。

ディマイオは、コンテの行動が "彼を最も傷つけるもの "だと述べた。

"信じられないのは、これは元首相がドラギを攻撃し、プーチンのプロパガンダを助け、民主主義よりも独裁主義を助けたことだ "と大臣が言った。

政治的混乱はイタリア自身にも問題をもたらすとディ・マイオ氏は続ける。

「水曜日に政府が倒れれば、新しいエネルギー契約を締結する力はなくなる。

Deeplによる翻訳

posted by ZUKUNASHI at 21:11| Comment(0) | 国際・政治

子供たちへのmRNA型生物製剤の接種は副反応のリスクに加えて免疫システムの発達を阻害

https://twitter.com/molbio08/status/1548477577571905537



中略


posted by ZUKUNASHI at 17:20| Comment(0) | Covid19

ロシアがすべてのウクライナ人に市民権を与える方針に






ウクライナ人は、国がなくなりかねないのだからロシアの市民権を得ておいたほうが良いと考えますよね。パスポートを取得すればよいだけです。ロシアが何十万人が市民権を得たと発表しただけでウクライナ政府のメンツはつぶれ、西側諸国もウクライナの現政権を支援することが難しくなります。



posted by ZUKUNASHI at 09:25| Comment(0) | ウクライナ

Germany how long will it survive on its new path?

Alexander Davydov: Germany has abandoned decades of balancing both Russia and US, how long will it survive on its new path?
Germany’s new leadership has gone 'all in' on its alliance with the US, overturning a strategy that had underpinned its success

What was known as the “memory culture” was an essential element of the foreign policy strategy of post-war Germany. Wise leaders were able to gradually restore the importance of the country on the international stage and achieve strategic goals.

A prime example was Chancellor Willy Brandt’s ‘Ostpolitik,’ based on ideas of repentance and overcoming post-war enmity. The historical reconciliation between Bonn and the USSR became the basis for the future unification of Germany – solving the main task of the country’s political elites after the end of World War II.

However, less gifted politicians find historical memory a handicap and a hardship. For neighbours, the ambitions of German leadership in Europe bring back painful memories. Indeed, historical documents such as the Treaty of German Unification, limit the military capabilities of the state – which is a direct obstacle to Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s dream for the creation of “the strongest army in Europe.”

Today, the image of a peace-loving nation that has re-educated itself after the tragedy of two world wars does not fit well with active arms deliveries to Ukraine.

“This war must end,” Scholz recently warned, while in Kiev. Meanwhile, his government’s website is regularly updated with information on weapons already delivered and planned to be delivered to the Ukrainians. This is what you might call a paradox.

Let’s look at some of the rhetoric coming out of Berlin. On June 21, on the eve of Russia’s Day of Remembrance and Sorrow, Economy Minister Robert Habeck called the reduction of Russian gas supplies “an attack on Germany.” Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock has claimed that “Russia deliberately uses hunger as a weapon.”

By the way, behind the unfounded lies are real historical data – more than four million Soviet citizens were starved to death during the Nazi occupation.

At the G7 summit last month, Scholz called on participants to prepare a new “Marshall Plan” for Ukraine, twisting the meaning of the programme that helped Western Europe recover from the horrors of fascism. It feels like a policy of remembrance is being replaced by a policy of deliberate amnesia.

The “change of epochs” proclaimed by Scholz at the end of February means one thing so far: Berlin is abandoning everything before that time. In relations with Russia, even the modest achievements of the past have become the subject of censure, and Moscow’s calls for a European system of indivisible security are perceived as fantastical ideas.

The culture of cancellation prevails over the historicism of diplomacy. Berlin’s reluctance to put politics into a historical context demonstrates the absence of self-determined goal-setting and a coherent strategy.

Before the election, the incoming chancellor promised a renewed foreign policy in the spirit of his predecessor and fellow party member Brandt. Previously, Germany’s eastern policy, complex and controversial, confirmed that the government could find a delicate balance between values and interests: maintain allied solidarity in the EU and NATO, but keep space for dialogue with “opponents of the collective West.” In other words, argue over political and moral issues while developing mutually beneficial commercial projects.

Scholz’s approach is the opposite of what Willy Brandt and his followers worked on. Berlin has finally narrowed the once dynamic and multifaceted eastern policy solely in support of Kiev. In international relations, however, simplification rarely reduces contradictions.

This sort of primitivization does not add credibility to the German leadership, but it does raise doubts about its competence.

The granting of EU candidate status to Ukraine, actively supported by Berlin, could also turn out to be an embarrassment. And it is not just about the five other official members of the waiting list and several potential contenders, who have been waiting or are still waiting years for this decision, all the while trying to fulfil the EU’s strict requirements. In Germany’s foreign policy approach, showmanship and symbolism are gradually replacing order and consistency.

After all, on a more practical level, everyone recognises that Ukraine’s real participation in the European Union is impossible and it is unclear whether it will ever become tangible at all.

The unique path that the peoples of Germany and Russia took together after WW2 demanded repentance on the one hand and forgiveness on the other. Now, for the sake of “allied solidarity,” Germany is sacrificing the fruits of this painstaking shared work.

Indeed, Berlin would probably be prepared to turn its back on other countries if its allies demanded it. For example, China – Germany’s main trading partner for the past six years – will instantly become an irreconcilable enemy if the US-China stand-off escalates.

Was it possible to expect a different reaction from the Germans to the events now taking place? More balanced statements from cabinet members and less aggressive headlines in their house journal, Der Spiegel?
Partly, the current turnaround is the flip side of the course that has been the basis of German policy up to now. Berlin had systematically reduced the importance of the Bundeswehr after unification, based on the irreversibility of the so-called “end of history” and, as a result, was totally unprepared for the dramatically changed politico-military realities of today. Moreover, very few expected that Russia would move from years of exhortations, which could be ignored, to decisive action. The decades-long rejection of Realpolitik in favour of a values-based approach and the willingness to put the remaining questions of strategic security under US and NATO control predetermined Berlin’s reaction to current events. At the moment it is not so much aggression as confusion.

"Solidarity with allies and distortion of history is a safe haven for a government that planned to devote itself to an environmentalist and virtue-signalling foreign policy in 2022, rather than renewing the army and supplying arms to the conflict region."

The German leadership believes it simply cannot afford not to be on what it thinks is the “right side of history,” as Scholz called it in February. Because otherwise the entire political and ideological basis of the cabinet would crumble and it would prompt questions about its adequacy.

“German foreign policy has stood on one leg since 1949. We face another challenge: not to pursue a policy of maneuvering, but to stand on the second leg as well, based on friendship with the West and negotiating every step with our Western friends, which is called an Eastern policy,” Brandt once outlined. By taking a shot at the “second leg,” Berlin continues to stand firmly on the first one. The question is whether it is possible to get far on just one leg.
posted by ZUKUNASHI at 09:00| Comment(0) | 国際・政治